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European involvement in Nicaragua is traced to the early 1500’s when Columbus arrived on the Atlantic Coast. The Spaniards colonized the region with particular attention to what is now Granada and León, subduing local tribes as they traveled throughout the area. Some argue that the inhabitants around Managua resisted colonialism which resulted in its destruction lasting more than 300 years. Nicaragua declared independence from Spain beginning in 1821, along with the rest of Central America, but became part of Mexico, finally achieving independence in 1838. This did not last long because both England and the United States became interested in its strategic location. In 1848, the British seized the San Juan River at its port on the Caribbean coast that they named Greytown. In 1855, officials in León invited William Walker, a self-styled U.S. demagogue, to help seize power from opposition forces in Granada. Walker with a band of mercenaries took Granada. He proclaimed his presidency although he was soon thrown out of the country. He repeatedly attempted invasion and set a tone for U.S. interference in Nicaraguan internal affairs that lasts to the present. U.S. troops occupied Nicaragua decade after decade after decade. From 1912 to 1925, U.S. Marines were stationed in Nicaragua. In 1916, the U.S. won the right to construct a canal and naval bases in Nicaragua. The history of resistance to U.S. occupation in Nicaragua continued until 1929 when Augusto C. Sandino announced his plan for the realization of Bolivar’s dream of independence for all of Latin America. In 1932, the U.S. announced the withdrawal of U.S. troops. In 1933, Juan Bautista Sacasa becomes president and Anastasio Somoza becomes head of the National Guard. Sandino settles in the Rio Coco region and creates a cooperative and remained convinced that the U.S. would return with support from Somoza. His assassination was arranged by General Somoza in 1934, again with U.S. support. Somoza ruled as Nicaragua’s dictator into the 1950s, amassing huge amounts of wealth and land. He was shot and killed in 1956 but his sons and his brother ruled until 1979. Widespread opposition to the regime had been present since the 1930s, but some argue that it was the theft by the Somozas of virtually all the international aid that poured into Nicaragua following the earthquake of 1972 that started the popular uprising that resulted in the 1979 revolution. Two groups were set up to counter the regime: the FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberacíon Nacional, also known as the Sandinistas) and the UDEL, led by Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, publisher of La Prensa, the newspaper critical of the dictatorship. Chamorro was assassinated in 1978 and violence spread throughout the country. Moderates joined with the leftist FSLN to overthrow the Somoza regime. The Sandinistas marched victoriously into Managua on July 19, 1979, but inherited a country in shambles: poverty, disease and illiteracy were ubiquitous. The Sandinista government nationalized the lands of the Somozas. They set up collective factories and farms, free health care for all, and a massive literacy campaign. Literacy rates, disease rates, immunization rates, even incarceration changed in a few short years; polio was eliminated; preventive health care was available for all, all children were entitled to a free education, capital punishment was eliminated. The US government, which had supported the Somozas until the end, was alarmed that the Nicaraguans were demonstrating that a successful revolution meeting the needs of the people is possible. In 1981, after a few short months in office, Ronald Reagan determined that it would suspend all aid and instead send tens of millions of dollars to opposition forces within the country. In 1984, Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista leader won over 2/3 of the popular vote which only inspired expanded U.S. attacks on Nicaragua. The following year, the US began its embargo that strangled Nicaragua's economy until the Sandinista’s left power. By this time it was widely known that the U.S. was funding the Contras, through the CIA. U.S. support for the Contras continued secretly until the Irangate scandal revealed that the CIA had used profits from sale of weapons to Iran to fund the Contras. It became evident to Nicaraguans that continued support of the Sandinistas at the federal level meant continued U.S. deprivation. In 1990, Nicaraguans went to the polls and elected Violeta Chamorro, leader of the opposition UNO and widow of martyred La Prensa editor Pedro Chamorro. Chamorro's failure to revive the economy and deliver promised U.S. economic support, and her increasing reliance on Sandinista support, led to U.S. threats to further withhold aid. Daniel Ortega ran for president in October 1996, apologizing for Sandinista 'excesses' and calling himself a centrist, but he was defeated by the ex-mayor of Managua, anticommunist Liberal Alliance candidate, Arnoldo Alemán. President Alemán was sworn in January 10, 1997. In November of 1998, Hurricane Mitch destroyed vast areas of Nicaragua and over 10,000 people died and 2 million were homeless. The tragedy prompted several nations to cancel Nicaragua's debt in late 1999, and international aid arrived with the aim of rebuilding the country. Although there weren’t the scandals of the 1979 earthquake many determined that aid did not get to the people most devastated by this disaster. The 2000 mayoral elections saw the Sandinistas gain control of 11 out of 17 departmental capitals, and popular FSLN member Herty Lewites easily won in Managua. Tipitapa’s municipal government continued as a Sandinista stronghold. However, Liberal Party candidate Enrique Bolaños came out ahead in the presidential election in 2001, beating his Sandinista opponent, former president Ortega. Ortega yet, remains the Sandinista party leader. In August 2002, former president Arnoldo Aleman was charged with corruption and theft of over $10 million in state funds. Nicaragua is the largest country in Central America and has tremendous strategic importance to the U.S. In 2001, President George W. Bush announced plans for a free trade agreement covering Costa Rica, Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador called CAFTA, the Central America Free Trade Agreement. It is seen as an important step to protect U.S. interests from competition by Europe, Canada, and Mexico. Soon thereafter the Plan Puebla Panama was announced to further insure profits of multinational corporations. Its plan extends over an additional three countries and is supported by the Mexican government and Inter-American Development Bank. Its goal is to make the regions natural resources assessable to U.S. business interests. Plans call for improvement of the infrastructure—particular North-South highway connections and the possible creation of a “dry” canal through Tipitapa and massive oil pipeline—both of which will connect the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. It also promises the creation of massive agricultural enterprises. At the same time that U.S. involvement in Nicaragua has been consistent in its efforts to protect its economic interests, U.S. citizens have consistently expressed their solidarity with the people of Nicaragua. Particularly in the 1980s, as the U.S. exerted massive pressure that ended with the fall of the Sandinista government, people of the U.S. did as much as possible to provide material aid, technical support, and demonstrate that they did not support their government’s policies. This opposition continues to the present, although hidden by the major problems of war and violence in other parts of the world. Solidarity programs, sister city projects, people-to-people exchanges, youth brigades, religious groups and others continue undeterred by the interests that make support of health, education, social justice and human rights a seemingly insurmountable hill to climb. The following Nov. 2001 press release from St. Louis University presents a microcosm of the view of Latin American leaders and their role:
In 2001, President Bolaños brought corruption charges against former President Alemán who was subsequently sentenced to 20 years for corruption charges. The Sandinista and Liberal members of the National Assembly stripped Bolaños of his powers and called for his resignation. Constitutional changes leading up to the general elections in 2006 lowered the percentage requiring a runoff election enabling Daniel Ortega of the FSLN to return to the presidency in January 2007 with 38% of the vote. In the interim, the National Assembly passed the most restrictive abortion law in Latin America that is presently under review. Since his election Ortega has announced that education and health care are once again public and without cost to families and that literacy campaigns will begin throughout the country, although many question whether budgets will enable these programs to be implemented adequately. Free trade policies remain controversial as conditions in the sweat shops are under review.
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